José Araujo de Souza
Although it was a very special Wednesday, August 31, 2016 looked nothing different from an ordinary day on Wednesday. Trade had opened its doors and it worked normally, the traffic was complicated as every Wednesday, and the streets were full of people coming and going, shaken.
In Belo Horizonte, where I was, from the window of the apartment on the tenth floor of the building where I live, I stood for a long time watching the people coming and going downstairs, flattened, as seen from above. My field of vision reached the corners of Caetés with Amazonas and Bahia, a part of Avenue of the Andradas and a little piece of Square 7, a little more distant. He could also hear the sound of rockets exploding all over the city center and a few neighborhoods nearby. In addition to the honking caused by the cars that circulated. And, of course, the cries of “Out Dilma” and “It’s coup.” Sometimes bad words could also be heard.
In the room I was in, the television alternated with comments from experts, analysts, politicians and ordinary people about the end of President Dilma Rousseff’s impeachment process. The President’s trial session, which began on Thursday, 25, had been adjourned on Wednesday at 1:35 pm, when sixty-one senators concluded that they had been guilty of the charges against him and, consequently, of the cassation Of his mandate. Twenty senators voted against it. The PT government was therefore closed, which began with the election of Lula, who was sworn in on January 1, 2003, succeeding Fernando Henrique Cardoso of the PSDB.
In place of President Dilma took on that same day her Vice President Michel Temer, of the PMDB. Sitting in front of the TV I was thinking about how, once again, I was witnessing another radical change in the History of Brazil.
Without having anything more important to do than to stay there, listening to the TV news, I was curious to know more about the presidents of Brazil, especially as their governments ended. I turned on the computer and set out to search the Internet, the government of each one, from the first to the last, the one of Dilma, that had just finished finishing.
The first was Marechal Manuel Deodoro da Fonseca, born in Alagoas da Lagoa do Sul, now Marechal Deodoro (AL), who proclaimed the Republic and ruled from November 15, 1889 to November 23, 1891, when he resigned his term. He was succeeded by Floriano Vieira Peixoto, born in Maceió (AL) who was in power from 23/111891 to 11/15/1894. The other presidents were Prudente José de Morais Barros, born in Itu (SP), from 11/15/1894 to 11/15/1898. Manuel Ferraz de Campos Sales, born in Campinas (SP), from 11/15/1898 to 11/15/1902. Francisco de Paula Rodrigues Alves, born in Guaratinguetá (SP), from 11/15/1902 to 11/15/1906. Afonso Augusto Moreira Pena, born in Santa Bárbara (MG), from November 15, 1906 to July 14, 1909, when he died in the exercise of his mandate. Nilo Procópio Peçanha, born in Campos dos Goytacazes (RJ), from 07/07/1909 to 15/11/1910. Hermes Rodrigues da Fonseca, born in São Gabriel (RS), from 11/15/1910 to 11/15/1914. Venceslau Brás Pereira Gomes, born in Itajubá (MG), from 11/15/1914 to 11/15/1918. . Francisco de Paula Rodrigues Alves, elected to start the mandate on November 15, 1818, died on 01/16/1919 without assuming the position. Delfim Moreira da Costa Ribeiro, born in Cristina (MG), from 11/15/1918 to 07/28/1919. Epitacio Lindolfo da Silva Pessoa, born in Umbuzeiro (PB), from July 28, 1919 to November 15, Artur da Silva Bernardes, born in Viçosa (MG), from 11/15/1922 to 11/15/1926. Washington Luís Pereira de Sousa, born in Macaé (RJ), from November 15, 1926 to October 24, 1930, when he was deposed. Júlio Prestes de Albuquerque, born in Itapetininga (SP), elected to begin his term of office on November 15, 1930, failed to take office and was the only president elected by direct vote in Brazil to be barred from taking office. Board of Governors Provisional 1930, formed by General Augusto Tasso Fragoso, born in São Luís (MA), Admiral José Isaías de Noronha, born in Rio de Janeiro (RJ) John of God Mena Barreto , born in Rio de Janeiro (RJ) from 10/24/1930 to 11/03/1930. Getúlio Dornelles Vargas, born in São Borja (RS), from November 3, 1930 to October 29, 1945, having been provisional president from 1930 to 1934, constitutional president from 1934 to 1937 and president dictator from 1937 to 29 / 1945, when he was ousted from office. José Linhares, born in Guaramiranga (EC) of 10.29.1945 to 31.01.1946. Eurico Gaspar Dutra, born in Cuiabá (MT) in 31/01/1946 to 31/01/1951. Getúlio Dorneles Vargas 01/31/1951 to 08/24/1954. John Fernandes Campos Café Filho, born in Natal (RN), from 24.08.1954 to 08.11.1955, when he was deposed. Carlos Coimbra da Luz, born in Three Hearts (MG) of 11.08.1955 to 11.11.1955. He assumed the Presidency of the Republic for being the President of the Chamber of Deputies, due to the removal of President Café Filho (Vice President of Getúlio Vargas, had assumed the government after his suicide), and was impeached by the National Congress. In its place he became the 1st Vice President of the Senate , Nereu de Oliveira Ramos , born in São José dos Pinhais (SC) 11/11/1955 to 31/01/1956. Juscelino Kubitschek de Oliveira, born in Diamantina (MG) from 31/01/1956 to 31/01/1961. Janio da Silva Quadros, born in Campo Grande (MT) from 01/31/1961 to 25/08/1961. Pascoal Ranieri Mazzilli, born in Caconde (SP) from 25/08/1961 to 07/09/1961, after the resignation of the holder Quadros , and during the absence of the vice president João Goulart , who was on an official visit to the People ‘s Republic China . João Belchior Marques Goulart, born in São Borja (RS) from 07.07.1961 to 01.04.1964, when f hi deposed by the coup 1964 military . Pascoal Ranieri Mazzilli 02/04/1964 to 15/04/1964. Marshal Humberto de Alencar Castelo Branco, born in Fortaleza, from 15/04/1964 to 15/03/1967. Marshal Arthur C osta e Silva, born in Taquari (RS) from 03.15.1967 to 08.31.1969, when he resigned from the government leadership due to illness. Board of Governors Provisional 1969 (formed by General Aurélio de Lira Tavares, the Army Minister, born in João Pessoa (PB)
Admiral Augusto Hamann Rademaker Grünewald, Minister of Marine, born in Rio de Janeiro (RJ) and
Márcio de Souza Mello, Minister of Aeronautics, born in Florianópolis (SC)) from 08/31/1969 to 10/30/1969. General Emilio Medici Garrastazu, born in Bagé (RS) from 30/10/1969 to 15/03/1974. General Ernesto Beckmann Geisel, born in Bento Gonçalves (RS), from 03/15/1974 to 03/15/1979. General João Baptista de Oliveira Figueiredo, born in Rio de Janeiro (RJ), of the 03/15/1979 15/03/1985. Tancredo de Almeida Neves, born in São João Del-Rei (MG). Elected, he did not come to assume the mandate. José Sarney de Araújo Costa (José Ribamar Ferreira de Araújo Costa), born in Pinheiro (MA), from 03/15/1985 to 03/15/1990. Fernando Affonso Collor de Mello, born in Rio de Janeiro (RJ), from 15/03/1990 to 29/12/1992, when he had his impeachment approved by the Senate. Itamar Augusto Cautiero Franco, was born aboard a ship on the Salvador / Rio de Janeiro route and had his Birth Record made in Salvador (BA), from 12/29/1992 to 01/01/1995. Fernando Henrique Cardoso, born in Rio de Janeiro, 01/01/1995 to 01/01/2003 – Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (Luiz Inácio da Silva), born in Caetés (PE), from 01/01/2003 to 01/01/2011 – Dilma Vana Rousseff, born in Belo Horizonte (MG), 01/01/2011 – 31/08/2016 – and now Michel Miguel Elias Temer Lulia, born in Tietê (SP).
I’m getting old, I thought. From the day I was born to this day, twenty-five presidents have already taken place.
When I conclude my thoughts, I have been awakened to a strange coincidence. The first of the presidents of my time, Getúlio Vargas, was prevented from finishing his term in the period known as the New State Dictatorship, just the day I was born, October 29, 1945, overthrown by the Army High Command. The last president-elect was Dilma, also prevented from finishing her second term, and her impeachment process was voted and approved by the Federal Senate.
I spent the rest of the afternoon and a good part of the evening attending to the repercussions of President Dilma’s annulment, the possession of Vice-President Temer, now President and demonstrations for and against impeachment. When I turned the TV off and decided it was time to go to sleep, it was past two in the morning.
I did not sleep peacefully. It cost me a lot to fall asleep, I woke up several times agitated and I had not very pleasant dreams. The day had been very different from my routine.
At six in the morning, I woke up scared and, in a jump, I sat on the bed. The words I had heard in my ears still echoed in my sleep and made me wake up. Immediately I identified them as being said by Manfred Kurt who had shouted in his hoarse voice and his Germanic accent “And the book, damn it. Are not you going to write it again, you shit? “
Wide awake, I got up and headed for the bathroom as I said quietly, “Calm down, German. I’ll write, yes. I’m still starting today. You do not have to come to haunt me. You can continue to rest in peace. “
Mutum, contrary to what the name may suggest, is not one of those modern and overpopulated metropolis like São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Belo Horizonte or Salvador, with which it only has similarity because it is also located in Brazil. On the contrary, it is a small city in the state of Minas Gerais, distant by highway some three hundred and a few kilometers from Belo Horizonte, the state capital, where the people of Mutum come, the name given to those born in Mutum, when they want, as they say, to take A bath of civilization.
They just do not like, when they are in the capital, to be called inland people. And in this they are right, since Mutum, in fact, in a straight line, is no more than seventy or at most, eighty kilometers from the sea that bathes the back of the Holy Spirit. Mutum, therefore, is a more coastal city than Belo Horizonte. This, yes, a city of the interior. It was there, in Mutum, that I was raised.
My birth occurred days before my parents moved from the small village called Assaraí, belonging to the time to the neighboring municipality of Ipanema, where they lived, to another city, Aimorés, also near Mutum, where, they thought, life would be more Promising The district of Assaraí today belongs to the municipality of Pocrane. The municipality of Pocrane was separated from Ipanema municipality in 1948, to read as districts, and Assaraí, Figueira da Barra, Cachoeirão village and Taquaral Village.
To reach the town of Aimorés, where they were moving, they would have to pass through Mutum, where my grandparents lived, Olívio and Cotinha, my mother’s parents.
As I was told much later, when I understood myself, I, at the time of the change of my family, became ill, and at two months of age I was left at my grandparents’ house to take care of me until I could , After being cured, go to the company of my parents and my brothers. But none of this happened because I simply, after being cured, about six months old, refused to leave the company of my grandparents, demonstrating this through very convincing sobbing and tantrums.
My grandparents, in turn, reinforcing my desire to stay, did not want to give me back, promising to take care of me as if they were my parents. So I ended up staying and living with them for over twenty-two years.
Later, my parents finally moved to Mutum, where my mother became a state primary school teacher and my father City Hall clerk.
Even though I lived in the same city where my parents lived, I continued to live with my grandparents. I visited my parents at home every day. But I lived with my grandparents. I had a special way of addressing them. To my grandparents I called Father and Mother. My father was called Paiplício (he was called Simplício) and my mother called Mother (my mother was Geracy).
In Mutum I lived my childhood and my adolescence. I began my studies, and in the only college in the city in my time, I conclude the first and second degrees.
As a bookworm and eager to write, I soon became embroiled in the cream of local culture, made up of a privileged elite who had access to up-to-date information from all over the world.
I was always well informed and stocked with books, newspapers, and magazines to quench my hunger for reading. As a consequence, I was always involved in the creation of literary guilds and academic journals, which gave rise to my desire to one day be a journalist. So, before becoming what I am today, teacher, I ended up being a journalist, after moving to the Capital in 1969, where I remain residing until this year of 2016.
It was in Belo Horizonte, in 1975, that the events I am about to report reached me.
Brazil had undergone a major political transformation in 1964, when a political revolution took place that put the Federal Government and the country under a military regime, led by a President chosen by the three arms, Army, Navy and Air Force, without the people being able to participate Choice. A new constitution replaced that which existed until then. The individual rights and guarantees were suspended under the plea of defense of the regime and a dictatorship implanted, undated for the future return to democratic principles.
The Brazilian people watched everything without great resistance. A little because of the extinction of the political parties existing before 1964, but mainly because of the imposition by the revolutionaries of a regime of force, supported by the violent actions of repression against those who were against the new regime. The Executive Power took precedence over the other constitutional powers – Legislative and Judiciary.
The direct elections for the political choice of the rulers in the three levels – Federal, State and Municipal – were suspended. A climate of fear and an exception regime where totalitarianism prevailed was established throughout the country.
After 1964, the country was divided between those who supported the actions of the rulers responsible for the revolution and those who opposed it considered it purely and simply a military coup and yearned for a return to the legal situation, as they said in secret.
The military was imposing its will and strength and the counterrevolutionaries were organizing themselves into clandestine groups, trying to find ways and means to resist. They became known as subversives and were wanted and arrested by the military.
We can also add to this group those who aspired to the overthrow of the military regime, not for the return of the previous rule of law, but for the implementation of another leftist form of government inspired by communist ideals, taking as an example the adopted government In Cuba, by Fidel Castro and his followers.
The passing of the years and the recent history of Brazil show us some of these characters still in evidence. But contrary to what they thought, what they preached and defended in those days of subversion and resistance to the military regime, they present today as if they had been in the past defenders of the return of the country to a regime of democracy. This, however, is not the truth. They objectively wanted these groups, formed by Marxists originally from the Communist Party of Brazil – PC do B, by force, resist the military government they considered as usurper, who had deposed the President of the Republic, overthrow it and establish a popular dictatorship Of left, communist. They had as model and examples the revolutionary movements and governments led by Fidel Castro, dictator in Cuba and Mao-Tsé-Tung, dictator in the People’s Republic of China.
In the same way that the government had sympathizers, in all the localities of the Country there were also subversives.
In the great centers and in the small villages, the two groups were in opposition. And they faced each other. The advantage always was of the governors because they could, on the basis of simple distrusts, denounce those who considered or suspected to be subversive. These, when denounced, were made political prisoners, sometimes even tortured or killed. Consequently they always tried to act in secret, in the underground.
They lived a double life, seeking to participate in actions against the government, but also seeking, on the other hand, to always keep their normal activities as abstruse, not to raise suspicions that could provide reasons for their arrests. Some groups took up arms, turning streets, squares, and avenues into battlefields. Deaths occurred on both sides. Bank robberies have become commonplace, with the booty serving, according to the robbers, to finance the acquisition of more weapons to strengthen and continue their struggle. The government considered and divulged that these actions were nothing more than robberies made by gangs of ordinary people who took advantage of the moment to impersonate political groups in resistance to the government.
When persecuted in the big cities, the counterrevolutionaries raided the interior, where they practiced guerrilla training. The so-called urban guerrilla, a form of attacking suddenly and disappearing even faster. This was Brazil from end to end after 1964.
The Military Government is sustained until when, on January 15, 1985, Tancredo de Almeida Neves is elected President of the Republic, through an indirect election made through an Electoral College composed of members of the National Congress (Senators and Deputies). The Senator for Minas Gerais, representing the PMDB, who was opposed to the Government, obtained 480 votes and his opponent Paulo Maluf, Federal Deputy for São Paulo representative of the PDS, who supported the Government, 180 votes. There were also 19 abstentions and 9 absences.
The victory of Tancredo Neves, in the Electoral College, was the result of a process of popular demand for the return to the democratic regime. The Brazilian people could not stand the military dictatorship installed since 1964.
In Belo Horizonte, as a journalist, he followed the country’s political events as a privileged observer, since he had access to information that other ordinary citizens did not and did not dream of having.
The press, in general, although not counting with total freedom, considering the censorship existing in all the informative organs, still it was aided of the informants in all the areas of influence, indicating what it would be important to report.
News was never lacking, in that obscure period in the life of the Brazilians, although not all those that were written had been divulged. As well as not all that have been reported have essentially reported the whole truth of the facts presented. Of course the newsmakers always knew more than they knew.
It was normal for us journalists to be permanently watched, as if we had committed or were ever to commit some crime. This was because, as opinion makers, we were considered to be dangerous to the regime, since we had the strength of the news and the power of persuasion and persuasion of public opinion, through our writings, as contained in the manuals for guiding the fight against Subversives, scattered around the barracks.
In our specific case, these actions would be to disclose information and news contrary to the government, which should be framed as an incitement to resistance and insubordination.
Considered subversive, those responsible for reporting and for disclosing the news were arrested and taken to police interrogation. They were almost always prosecuted, arrested, and when they were released, if they were one day, they were placed under constant surveillance on charges of subversion.
There were also supporters of the situation, the governors. And, of course, some of them were considered to be more dangerous because they were able to denounce military or professional colleagues, friends and even family members in the name of national defense.
Because they favored the then-constituted government, they were not concerned with keeping themselves clandestinely, such as those who did open or armed opposition.
With the passage of time and the increase of the rigor used in the repression, they were assuming the highest positions in the institutions in which they worked. It did not matter whether in the public service or in the private enterprise. His rise to the command posts was the certainty that the company, no matter what it was, would be well regarded by the military authorities. Government privileges would thus be guaranteed.
Worse than being seen as being subversive was to take the plague of Communist subversive. Nothing could be worse. Nothing could be more dangerous. After all, the Democratic Revolution of March 31, 1964, as it was known and called the military coup that occurred in Brazil at that time, only happened, according to their leaders, to prevent the country from becoming communist.
They, the coup makers, were, therefore, in their view, the true saviors of the Brazilian homeland, and therefore were also responsible for maintaining democracy.
President Joao Goulart, or Jango, as he was known, would deliver Brazil to the communists and thus lose the freedom we so much appreciated, they proclaimed. Luckily, everything had passed without much resistance, mostly armed, and thousands of lives had been spared from death.
This was the unison speech of those who made the revolution, and so, as if they had rehearsed it, they justified it.
On March 31, 1964, when the Army General Olimpio Mourao Filho, commander of the 4th Military Region and the 4th Infantry Division of the First Army, based in Juiz de Fora (MG), began the march with his troops toward the Rio Of January, the history of Brazil was beginning to change its course.
For more than twenty years in the future, Brazilians would live under a dictatorial regime, by exception, would lose almost all political rights, would disrespect their human rights and lose their happiness, having to learn to live in the streets with tanks Of war, police barriers with armed machine guns and cannons placed at strategic points in major centers.
The revolution provided the Brazilians with some new, different, oddities, hitherto unimaginable situations.
For example, the prestige, power and authority of ordinary people, who belonged to the military, could be greatly increased, not only to the Navy, the Army and the Air Force, but also to those who composed the Military Police of the States, the Guards Municipal Police and, above all, the Civil Police.
In reality, every individual who had the power to hold and imprison was highly respected, highly regarded, and recognized as an authority. On the contrary, all who were civilians, being neither police nor military, clearly and substantially lost power, prestige, and authority. Thus, Intellectuals, students, and teachers were the ones who lost most and devalued, regardless of the degree of education they had.
From the point of view of credibility, a military officer of any rank, a detective or investigator, was more valuable than a university student, a master, or a doctor in any area of human knowledge. Who, under any circumstance, would blindly believe in an intellectual in post-revolution Brazil? Who, in any of these circumstances, would discredit a post-revolution military?
These two questions, well done in the way I am putting it and whose answers left no doubt as to what should be answered, I did not do it, really. They were taken one night during one of the classes he attended in college. Who did it was one of the colleagues, called Nestor and he himself answered them, in an irrefutable, indisputable, unquestionable way. He told us, his colleagues and our teacher, that after the revolution had just had to wear a uniform, or had to present any police identification so that the person would be invested with a higher authority. And that the word of an authority, when confronted with that of a civilian, whatever it was, would always be the one to be considered and that would be true. And he said more, the Nestor, that being the word of an authority, could not be contested.
He stated further that “no matter who will decide the question of who is the true word the intellectual level of the calendar,” concluding that “it will have no authority over the military, the police or over who speaks for the government.”
I remember very well that when Nestor asked the questions, we were debating exactly the question of authority and power acquired by an individual when he won an election and was elected to a political office. Then Nestor interrupted the debate.
He would always sit there in the back of the room, close to the wall, in the last wallets, and never participate in the discussions. Until then. On that day, he not only pronounced as did an almost speech excited, taking up care to use a tone that did not leave doubts about what he meant: “I think this debate is a pure waste of time” thus began his speech. “They are forgetting that they live in a country where no more politicians are elected. Anything you say here should be understood only as utopia. Who determines today what is right or wrong, who has power and authority is who wears a uniform or can present a police identity. Who would blindly believe in an intellectual in Brazil today? Who would disbelieve of a soldier in this our Brazil? Only who is subversive or who is communist. And for these, we have this “and Nestor took a gun from the waist, placing it on the desk before concluding” and machine guns and chain. “
We thus discovered what we did not know until now that Nestor was a civilian police authority. After that day he was scarce attending our classes until he left the course.
Coincidentally, some of our classmates, from my classroom and from other classes, also started dropping out.
The comments made to the small mouth, in a very absent-minded manner, confirmed that some other police and military officers had infiltrated other courses in college, and that now, after Nestor’s astonishment, they had dropped out and returned to police stations and barracks. Not before they denounced some “subversives” who studied with us and who, mysteriously, disappeared from classrooms without locking up or transferring.
We then proceeded to make a joke: when someone asked what we thought of something or someone, we accounted laughing, jokingly, “I do not think anything because a friend of mine found and we do not think ever.”
When, in 1966, the newspapers reported the arrest of a group of subversives in the Vale do Aço, Minas Gerais, there was a stir in Mutum.
It was discovered that one of the prisoners, considered the most dangerous of all, one of the heads of the resistance movement in that region of Minas Gerais, was none other than the brother of one of the most respected residents of Mutum, Carlos de Sá, a civil servant Federal, responsible for the office in charge of the registration of rural properties in the city and reference of honesty.
The news caught most of the mutuenses by surprise, for there were few who, enjoying the intimacy of Carlos de Sá, knew of the revolutionary political history of his brother.
He had told his few friends that his younger brother, Paulo de Sá, who occasionally visited him when he was on vacation, was a metallurgist and union leader in Ipatinga, where he worked for USIMINAS.
USIMINAS – Steel Mills of Minas Gerais, metal industry dedicated to the production of flat steel, designed to serve the domestic market and for export, mainly to Japan, was founded on April 25, 1956, during the government of Juscelino Kubitschek.
Counting on interest in its capital of the governments of the State of Minas Gerais, Brazil and Japan, USIMINAS had the initial stake of the construction of its plant spiked by President JK, on August 16, 1958, in Ipatinga, then only a village with no more than 300 inhabitants, situated on the banks of the Rio Piracicaba.
When, on October 26, 1962 President Joao Goulart, Jango, lit the first blast furnace and inaugurated the plant, with capacity to produce 500,000 tonnes of flat steel per year, Ipatinga already had an urban infrastructure conceived by company , able to house, definitively, the approximately ten thousand employees who worked in its creation and construction.
Paulo de Sa was one of those workers.
Equipped with a modern political vision for the time, communed ideals libertarians those who, after the revolution of 1964 dreamed of overthrowing the military government established by it.
In secret, as it was common to intellectuals of the time, Paulo de Sa signed membership in the Communist Party of Brazil – PCdoB, which subtly acting clandestinely, began to mount a resistance structure, including armed, the revolutionary government.
This reassembly party takes place after 1964 based on the structure created from February 18, 1962, when there was the Extraordinary Conference of Brazil’s Communist Party, adopting the B PC acronym, to differentiate it from Brazilian Communist party, accused of being opportunistic and right.
To exhibit, advertise and expand their B PC ideas created the party newspaper “The Working Class.”
Paulo de Sa becomes one of his most frequent collaborators when he assumes, in 1963, the leadership of their union in the Steel Valley.
Carlos was the student condition Sa, still in junior high school, I was introduced by him to his brother. Then I heard the first allusions to communism in Brazil and in the world, made by a communist.
Before there were only studied the subject in textbooks, which sought to highlight only a few moments of communist action, emphasizing the fact that the Party has been banned in Brazil since 1947, when, by decision of the Supreme Court on 7 May, Brazilian Communist party – PCB is placed as outlaw and outcast, being from then on the fringes of the law and in hiding. Consequently, on January 7, 1948 were revoked the mandates of all its representatives.
It was then President of Brazil General Eurico Gaspar Dutra, who succeeded in the government by President Getulio Vargas, who was ousted in October 29, 1945.
The Vargas government had been initiated with the Revolution of 1930, which was then brought to power by a military junta as president of an interim government after the overthrow of President Washington Luis.
By assuming, Getulio annuls the Constitution in force, created in 1891 and promises a new constitution. In 1932, for failure to fulfill the promise of government that faced what became known as the Constitutionalist Revolution. A revolutionary movement led by St. Paul that he intended to testify Getulio for noncompliance with the promises made to take the revolutionary government that had ousted President Washington Luiz and prevented the possession of Julio Prestes.
The São Paulo side were mobilized about thirty-five thousand rioters. The State of São Paulo was besieged for about one hundred thousand soldiers members of federal troops and the revolt was dominated. In 1934 he began the so-called constitutional government when he was elected in indirect choice by Congress.
In November 1937, through a coup d’etat, he became dictator, ruling that situation to be deposed and succeeded by General Dutra, who was until then his Minister of War in 1945.
With the deposition of Getúlio Vargas on October 29, 1945, he took office in his place Jose Linhares, President of the Supreme Court, until elections were held which elected in December of that same year, with majority of votes, General Eurico Gaspar Dutra, who took office in January 1946.
Backed by Getulio Vargas, who replaced the President Eurico Gaspar Dutra, who belonged to the staff of the Social Democratic Party – PSD, had as Vice President Nereu Ramos and as also military adversary Brigadeiro Eduardo Gomes, representative of the opposition, belonging to the Union National Democratic – UDN.
During the Government Dutra happened a Constituent Assembly, responsible for the promulgation of the 1946 Constitution, which strengthened the division of three powers – executive, legislative and judiciary – and reestablished direct elections for positions of executive and legislative powers, establishing the five-year term for positions in the executive branch.
The 1946 Constitution was in force until happen the Revolution of 1964. It was during the Dutra government that the PC do B was declared illegal.
The history of the PC do B, told by the Communists in the early 60s, it went far beyond that reported in schoolbooks. Was linked, according heard Paul de Sa in one of his visits to Mutum, the advance of communism in the world in defense of the weak, the oppressed and the equality of human rights.
His greatest merit, he said, was to combat savage capitalism and slavery represented by the expansionist power of the United States of America. Your quest for freedom of the masses involved all a revolutionary Latin American movement, which had the greatest examples of the ruling Castro Revolution of 1959 brought to completion in Cuba, Fidel Castro, and the Chinese revolutionary process led by Mao Zedong, with its actions of rural and urban guerrillas in their victorious march.
According claimed Paulo de Sa, the Brazilian Communists were organized, after the revolution of 64, for the resumption of power by civilians, if need be, even by arms, for the installation of a revolutionary government and. so that this fact occurred, already had popular support.
Brazil would be communist and would lead throughout Latin America and the Caribbean, alongside Cuba. The island Caribbean was the destination of Brazilian youth, especially students, that there were going in search of military training with the Cuban guerrillas in an attempt to form groups in Brazil that adopting guerrilla tactics employed in the fields and in the cities learned in Cuba, came to strengthen the civil resistance organized in parallel military force to the legal Armed Forces. Calls subversive forces.
The Union chaired by Paulo de Sa, as well as other unions, he said, encouraged and even financed when it was necessary, the way these groups in Cuba.
Paul himself, as we were told, had already made two visits to Havana, always clandestinely. It could not, however, he said, inform the steps and the path taken to get out of the country to your destination and back safely. Had scheduled three more trips considered to be necessary, he said, finishing the training started in the first, made a few months after the fall of Jango.
In one of his visits to his brother in Mutum, Paulo de Sá began an attempt to round up, with his leftist ideas, admirers among us young students from the city and the region. Therefore, he had the help of some people of influence in the city, in addition to his brother, who saw it as a kind of national resistance hero, destined to save Brazil from the clutches of the American Eagle.
These their close friends left provided a tour of some students from the Rural Federal University, located in Campo Grande, in the state of Rio de Janeiro, to our city in 1963. The Mutum Project.
They arrived in two buses for a total of sixty students from various courses. The intention of the visit, which lasted fifteen days was to provide technical and scientific assistance to the population, taking modern knowledge in the areas of education, health, economics and public policy, among others, to the people of Mutum who were interested in acquiring them.
We were met with and hosted parties not in hotels and guesthouses, but in private homes as if they were their families. The intention unreported and maintained in complete disguise was to propagate the ideas of the Left University Student, follower of the Communist Party of Brazil.
Professor Carlos de Sa and his brother, Paulo de Sa, Union President in the Steel Valley, were present during the entire time that the group of students remained in Mutum, giving them advice, guiding them and providing authorities and people thought were important and able to join the communist cause in the region.
A partition statutes, as it was called the PC do B, were printed in the main graphical city and gracefully distributed to all new members or candidates for membership.
At night, in the living rooms of homes was discussed article by article, the Statute. The same happened to the banks of the Central Square where, without the book to be handled, his ideas were discussed and propagated.
Fortnight Communist indoctrination was done in a systematic way through modern means of pedagogy and didactics. Carlos de Sa and his brother Paul, at the end of the fortnight, when students returned to their University, in Rio de Janeiro, were satisfied with the result of work carried out in the city.
A large number of new followers was affiliated to PC B, although this membership was clandestinely. New propagators of the Communist ideology. Endorsements to existing regional unions and even the formation of a local union, the Union of Rural Workers, which did not exist before in Mutum. Communism, according to the two brothers, began, to gain strength and face in the region.
In 1966 Paulo de Sa was arrested in Ipatinga and, as a result of his arrest and incarceration, there was a great uproar in Mutum. His brother Professor Carlos traveled for days without anyone knowing inform the destination of your trip.
The family, his wife and two children, pretended that nothing was happening, but try as they might continue their daily routines, let transpire sometimes clear signs of much concern and insecurity.
Upon returning, days after traveling, we learned by Carlos that his brother Paul, who had been taken prisoner at the union’s headquarters in Ipatinga, in the Steel Valley, was missing, but is not on the official records of trade unionists held for investigation.
He, Carlos, had tried with the influential known locate his brother, without any success. He feared for his life . “I do not want to imagine – said – what poor old Paul must be going.” Asked about the risks that he was running, and there was also a danger for those who were enticed in Mutum, he said to be quiet because there was nothing that could lead to acts of subversion. He advised, however, that all they possessed at home the famous Statute of Brazil’s Communist Party got rid of it. They should not hide or throw away. They should burn it and throw the ashes away. Other books considered subversive should also have the same purpose. Finally, alerted to the fact that The less we discuss or safer policy would be.
The routine Of the people of Mutum has undergone some changes. They no longer saw groups of older residents formed the sidewalks, late at night, even when the heat became almost unbearable inside the residences.
Also in Central Plaza banks where the new communist sat to discuss the future of Brazil, they had almost always empty, and also showed the Billiard game empty hall during the week.
Only on weekends, in the evenings of Saturday and Sunday, traffic increased on the sidewalks, in the Central Square and the Billiard game tables. Also the Social Club Mutum and Tringolingo became frequented only on weekends.
It could be seen in the air a hint of fear, suspicion and mistrust. When someone was not seen for more than two days, then it was rumored that the person had been arrested or had disappeared or had fled the city.
In fact, there were few arrests that took place in Mutum because of the revolution in those early days. But they happened. As was the case for example of Manoel Caxias, owner of House of Parties, specializes in selling fireworks and the like. His arrest happened during the day, with lots of people watching, all very scared, helpless, unable to help.
Manoel Caxias was gaucho, of Caxias do Sul, last name of the reason was known.
Until that day when he was taken into custody by military police, no one could even imagine that would be able to perform any crime, any ruse, do someone harm. Manoel Caxias always presented as an honest, fair and fraternal, fully reliable.
The explanation given later by the police who had participated in his arrest, the Cape Eleuterio, was that Manoel Caxias had been denounced as war material supplier to the government enemies. Better explaining the fireworks trader was accused of providing subversive explosive material used in the composition and making of homemade bombs. These bombs that were being used in bank robberies occurred in the region.
first taken to Juiz de Fora, he was transferred soon after to Belo Horizonte, where he was detained for thirty days, returning after a loose Mutum, where he continued merchant, but in another line of business, the haberdashery.
The House Parties closed its doors and ceased its activities. Manoel Caxias since then always avoided comment on his arrest.
Another the people of Mutum considered subversive, arrested and prosecuted, was the Marinho Paulista, gas station owner Mouth Road, one well known Bairrinho to be located where began the main road that served as access to the city.
Contrary to how Manoel Caxias was arrested during the day and in front of several people, Marinho Paulista was caught at his home overnight without the closest neighbors were unaware of something.
One morning the woman known for Nezinha Cota, who Marinho Paulista had an affair, went to the station and informed the attendants what had happened.
When inquired how everything happened, she simply said he did not know details of who was in his own house, nearby the Marinho Paulista, he saw come the cops. Who had called for him and trapped when the door opened. The led, according to her, handcuffed, in a jeep. There were four policemen. She could not identify any of them, which made understand that it was not anyone from Mutum policing.
The disappearance of Marinho Paulista according to the rumors that have spread through the city, would be related to the supply of fuel for vehicles used by subversives during robberies in nearby towns.
The bank robberies were becoming routine and there was not enough to know when they were committed by subversive groups or burglars. Some sought to assign the events to others.
Marinho Paulista not returned to more Mutum. Your gas station has been abandoned since it was not there any relative that his place of business. The grass was taking over everything taking place account.
Even today there are some who continue the people of Mutum stating that Marinho Paulista not only supplied subversives cars, but also earned commission in the assaults made by simple marginal and assigned to those. How did not return from prison, they began to circulate rumors that Marinho Paulista had not supported a torture session that had been submitted and that he had died, it was not known when or where.
also happened to other prisons important no less, but I will take the liberty to report for now, only these two cases and, of course, Paulo de Sá.
In 1967, while completing one year of Paulo de Sa in prison, his brother Carlos received important information: Paulo had been located. I was incarcerated for some time in the DOPS in Belo Horizonte. The Department of Political and Social Order: DOPS / MG, created in 1956, had as general duties, according to its constitutive act, prevention and repression of political and social character of crimes, supervision of manufacture, import, export, trade and use of weapons, ammunition, explosives and chemicals, supervision of railway stations, bus stations and airports, as well as safe passage of shipping in the event of war.
The State of Minas Gerais-political police service existed since 1927, with the creation of the Security Police personnel and Political and Social Order, which had as responsibilities to maintain public order, the protection of individual rights and the investigation of crimes against life and physical integrity.
Extinct in 1931, its original functions, which were related to the investigation and suppression of political crime, were transferred to the Bureau of Public Order which became then the dreaded Department of Political and Social Order / DOPS.
After learn about the situation and confirm the presence of his brother in DOPS in Belo Horizonte, Carlos Sá then began to move heaven and earth to achieve, someone and somehow allowed to visit him in prison.
As luck that the State Department of Education promoted in Belo Horizonte, a training course for teachers to be held at the Faculty of Education / FAE, the Federal University of Minas Gerais / UFMG through Improvement Campaign and Development Education secondary – CADES, and Carlos de Sá was one of the nominees of Mutum, to attend the course, which take place throughout the month of July 1967.
Recently graduated from high school, I had also been appointed to the same course, as would be employed as a history teacher and junior high school geography, from the second half.
Six other Mutum teachers comprised us the group to be trained.
One morning, before starting the classes when we walked down the aisle of the FAE, Carlos de Sa grabbed me by the arm and told me “I need your help.” When I asked what had happened he told me he had been authorized to make a visit to his brother, Paulo, on the afternoon of the same day. And it had been advised by a friend state representative, to be accompanied by someone else. For security, he told me. This was the help he expected from me. I keep him company on the way to the DOPS to visit his brother. I accepted the invitation without any discussion.
At the time agreed, distrustful and apprehensive, we drove to the headquarters of the DOPS, which was located on the Avenida Afonso Pena, just above the Institute of Education.
We presented our identities, went through a magazine to see if we had any weapons, signed a control book, and were careful to authorize us to start the visit.
A few minutes passed before a detective, bearing in hand a gun, made us a sign to come with him. We descended a ladder and entered a room at the bottom of the building, a kind of basement, with no windows.
There, sitting in a chair against the wall in the back, was Paulo de Sá. Handcuffed. It was the look in without saying anything. We, too, were watching him, silent under the impact of the figure we saw ahead of us.
Thin, haggard, aged, and in my opinion, totally won. That was not the Paulo de Sa I met. That was not the Paulo de Sa was speaking in advance of communism on the capitalist countries. That Paulo de Sa was another very different, a stranger. Only one prisoner. I saw tears in the eyes of the teacher Carlos de Sá.
The detective who accompanied us, machine gun in hand, laughed a wry laugh when he realized that Carlos de Sá cried. We were four there, silent most of the time, the silence only being broken a few times by the brothers. To me it was not allowed to say anything. Until the visit time has run out. Ten minutes that seemed a century.
When we left the DOPS, as street as we walked back Teacher Carlos Sá extended my hand, thanked the company and said only “Thank God Paul is still alive.”
Paulo de Sa never returned to Havana to end the guerrilla training. He was imprisoned until 1979, when, benefit from the Amnesty Law, left the basements without windows repression and returned to meet his family. The Sa Carlos teacher had already changed Mutum with the family when his brother Paul was released. I already graduated journalist and worked in Belo Horizonte.
As before said Nestor, Brazil still directed by military authorities, who still held all political power. How could I prove that day to enter as a visitor, in that cellar, guarded by one detective who carried in his hands a machine gun and lips a cheeky smile, ironic, but superior, because he, all the time we were in that room the only master of the situation. And the truth. The only recognized as authoritative.
JUNE 29 DE 1975
THE BEGINNING OF
On June 29, 1975, one Sunday, I had done the same routine forever.
In the morning, he had attended a solemn Mass at St. Joseph Church, at Avenida Afonso Pena, between Tamoios Streets and Holy Spirit and lunched one Kaol the Revolving Restaurant in Rio de Janeiro Street, Seven Square corner in the building basement Helena Passig.
In the afternoon, a nap at home in Itajubá Street, corner with Rua Pouso Alegre, in the Forest, a film at the Cine Paladium in Rio de Janeiro Street, a beer in Maleta, at the Bahia Street. At night, watch TV at home. Routine, pure routine.
As was usual and as he liked to know what were the last important day news and be always on in the news, I had a habit of watching every night, the Royal Reporter, who had succeeded to the Esso Reporter, TV Itacolomy .
The Esso Reporter was the main television news from Brazil to be extinct in 1970. It existed from August 28, 1941, when it was first presented at the National in Rio de Janeiro Radio, mainly to reporting the events of World War II.
It was created in the United States to spread propaganda war and was broadcast in fourteen countries of the Americas through fifty-nine stations of radios and televisions. It was sponsored by the American oil company “Standard Oil Company of Brazil”, known in our country as Brazilian ESSO Oil.
Ceased radio activities on December 31, 1968, with his last transmission made by Radio Globo of Rio de Janeiro, but remained being presented, the TV networks until December 31, 1970, when it had its last performance aired by TV Tupi.
That night of June 29, 1975, one Sunday, the news presented by the Royal Reporter were within what I considered a normal news standard, nothing that could be considered a special mention of those who would make me stop what they were doing to pay more attention to what was being reported.
I was on my way to the kitchen when I heard made me stop and run near the TV. The reporter had just announced that a military plane to fly over a city in Minas Gerais, had suffered a crash and dropped on the region bombs carrying as he headed for a military exercise.
The government spokesman said the Air Force would release an official statement so were details of ownership of the operation.
What made me stop my walk to the kitchen and put me next to the TV was the word Mutum I had heard quite clearly. “Holy shit, the bombs fell in Mutum,” I said softly.
My first step was to call a friend who worked in the writing of Itacolomy to acquaint myself better about what happened. He informed me that the news was being released just as had been informed by the Government dissemination services. When asked if there was anything else, by the Air Force, he told me that there was nothing beyond what was announced in the Royal Reporter.
Then made a call to the home of my grandparents in Mutum, receiving information that there only knew what they had just heard, released by TV Globo, the TV Tupi and TV Bandeirantes, only TV stations that were captured in the region. No other news was released, not even through the radio. And the city was that it was a stirring one. A real madness, never seen before. He told me my grandfather.
As it was the same information I already had and it would do me no good trying to get more information that night, I decided to go to sleep and leave to try to better understand the whole situation the other day in the morning. My sleep was very agitated and interrupted dreams that were more like nightmares.
JUNE 30, 1975
The other day, still early, I went to the newsroom of the newspaper of the People, where she worked. The event of the news in Mutum had spread and everyone wanted to know more than me about it, because I am from there, Mutum, where the event happened. I explained that I had spoken in my grandparents’ house, but they did not know anything other than what had been reported.
The Editor-in-Chief, Manfredo Kurt, with that special way and all his experience of more than thirty years sniffing news, called me in his room and told me “There are things. I have a feeling that there are things. I want you to go there and get up close. After all, they were bombed his town, is not it? “
It was not yet ten in the morning and I was already on the way, on the road, as decreed my managing editor, led by Francisco Neto, People’s Journal of the driver in a Volkswagen Beetle, towards Mutum.
We would pass by Ouro Preto and New Bridge, shortest path, with paved road to Manhuaçu. From there, we would by dirt road to Mutum, passing through Lajinha. Not happening any unforeseen, we arrive at Mutum no later than the end of the day or early evening.
During the trip, while Francisco Neto was concerned only in getting as quickly as possible to Mutum, I tried, in my mind, to understand the events in a logical manner. But do not forget me of Manfredo Kurt’s words “there are things”. What things, I thought, could be hidden in the news that a military aircraft was during a crash, loose their bombs on Mutum? What kind of bombs would be? Why the Air Force has not loosened any official note? What was a military plane flying over the region of Mutum? Why was carrying bombs? How many bombs?
I, until that moment of the trip, was not able to answer with certainty, any of the many questions that until that moment had formulated in my mind. Though he could make numerous assumptions, based on information I had and were, in most cases, the lack of most of the common people.
As some facts that formed the basis for the military uprising that overthrew Jango.
Before happen in Brazil the military coup that became known as the Revolution of 1964, we watched the emergence of popular movements challenging the internal situation of the country. Going forward, criticized our external dependence, requiring a government political break with the United States America, then considered oppressive by nationalist leaders, mostly students, national and politically represented by the national Union of students – UNE, based in Rio de Janeiro.
At the same time, these same popular groups claimed were made greater social inclusion of the poor and working classes.
The rejection declared to the Americans, called by students and leftists of “Yankees” was manifested through the expression “Yankees go home” which could be read on the walls throughout the country and heard as a slogan in demonstrations of students and workers, already they had made a common fact in the Government Goulart. Meant “Yankees go home”.
The iankee word, for people who are not American indicates any American. For an American, however, a yankee is a person who lives in a state north of the country. For people living in the eastern United States, a yankee is a person who originates or resides in New England, a region located in the Northeast the United States, consisting of six states – Connecticut, Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Vermont.
During the Civil War, between 1861 and 1865, the yankee word was popularized by southerners, when it was used to refer to northerners, victorious soldiers, and generally people living in the North of the United States.
These democratic aspirations in Brazil, originated in the 50 advancing the early 60s until the advent of the Revolution.
How could it happen, the military government after the 1964 Revolution, sought to create a National Security Doctrine, which was able to identify, point and eliminate possible internal enemies, including, then, of course, all those who to question and criticize the new regime, with particular emphasis on known supporters of communism.
To make real actions that would be necessary to achieve the objectives, some special government agencies were created, especially the National Information Service – SNI. Responsible for all network information and counter-information from the Government, the SNI, created in 1964 and directed by General Golbery do Couto e Silva, began to direct all incoming information directly to the executive branch, that is, to the President the Republic.
When you finish this first analysis of what happened in Mutum, that Sunday June 29, 1975, concludes that while the Air Force, responsible for the plane had suffered a breakdown and had cast over the city four bombs had not unleashed any official note, surely the General Ernesto Geisel, President of Brazil, would already be aware of everything. Certainly the National Information Service / SNI already had informed.
Why is it then that no one spoke officially? Therefore, it was very likely that Manfredo Kurt, Editor-in-chief of the Journal of the People was right. “There are things,” he concludes.
With eyes closed, I asked Francisco Neto jokingly – So, Chicao, we get Mutum later this month? – As he adjusted on the bench to try to doze off a bit. With half-closed eyes, let the thought flying loose toward Mutum. A lassitude was taking care of my body as sleep took possession of me. Francisco Neto should not have understood why I was smiling as he dozed on VW’s passenger seat.
Just before we get into Mutum, near the crossroads leading to the West District, we came across a Brazilian Army convoy, made up of three troop transport trucks, preceded by a jeep which should lead, I assumed, any commanding officer . I assumed that should be moving from Juiz de Fora, where he was hosting the IV Infantry Division of the Fourth Region Army Military and the reason for being there, that troops would be none other than the same that had me traveling so much, from Belo Horizonte: the falling bombs.
As we had just made a quick stop during the entire trip, to refuel in Royalty, we arrived at my grandparents’ house shortly after sixteen hours, with the sun still high in the sky.
I was eager to get out walking around the city in search of information. But not before know, my grandfather, everyone in the city were apprehensive that no one knew exactly what had happened, who had, yes, heard the sound of a plane flying over Mutum by three times the previous day, was to be about seven o’clock in the evening and that some people saw that he dropped something on the city. But no one has identified what it was or where it had fallen.
Only later, when the news was announced on the radio and on TV were told that it was a military aircraft and bombs.
My grandmother, who was sitting on the porch of the entrance of the house, while my grandfather and I were talking in the room broke out to us, saying that soldiers filled trucks were arriving in the square. I explained that I had already seen on the road on arrival and we would go there to find out what had gone do in Mutum.
The Army troops passed through Benedito Valadares Square and went to the space in front of the Municipal Stadium, on the river’s edge, where they set up camp and were quartered. I went there and managed without too many difficulties, talk with Major Alfredo, who was in command of the troops.
I heard him the information that, for higher orders received from the Army Command in Brasilia, were there to maintain order and prepare the way for a military operation to be held, from that night.
He said nothing about the bomb and when I asked them, I simply turned his back without replying.
(The following episodes will be published starting next week).